Education and Racism

Education and Racism
By Jill Bennett

   It has been said that education is the great equalizer. But what happens when those educations offered different groups of people are unequal themselves? What happens when the mightiest force for closing the disparity gap in the United States is so deeply discriminatory and damaged, that this mighty force is nearly one-sided? We stand as the united, universal church and speak out. We initiate change. As Christians, there is little ambiguity about our role in society. Protect the weak; speak for the voiceless; love one another. It is time to take what we know to be true and put our words into action. It is time to fix the problem that sets certain children up for failure from the start. It is time to reach the world, whether Samaritan, Jew, African American or Latino. But how? 

   First, we must identify the problem in no uncertain terms. Do we, as Americans, have a racially-based inequality problem? The National Urban League (NUL) has done this exact research and regularly publishes its findings, most recently in a 2017 Equality Index. Calculating health, education, economics, social justice and civic engagement, the NUL found that black Americans have an equality index of 72.3% and the Hispanic American Index shows 78.4% of the comparable 100% needed for full equality with white Americans (State of Black America, 2017 Report). Looking specifically at education, the study examined teacher quality, course quality, attainment levels, scores, status and risk factors. They continued to find clear and significant disparity. Since education is the precursor to so many of life’s successes and failures, and since it is publicly funded and maintained, this is where our work should begin.

   How did this mess get started? Haven’t schools been officially desegregated for decades now? While official and legal segregation was abolished, discrimination sadly lives on. Unfortunately, most practices reflecting discrimination have simply become less obvious and more underhanded (Smiley 57). While that makes it harder to uproot, expose and correct, it doesn’t make it impossible. The light of Christ shines into the deepest corners, and we can aim that light at these devious practices, exposing their true nature. Furthermore, we can use the light that truth brings to the communities directly through social programs at our institutions.

   As things stand right now, the “great equalizer” is unequal. The education that these segregated schools face is so variable, they seem not to be in the same country. Walk into a suburban school in a mostly Caucasian area, and you’ll see motivated teachers, beautiful and clean classrooms, and technology to enhance learning. Do the same in an inner-city school with a minority majority and quite the opposite affronts your senses. This is not to say that mostly white schools are perfect or problem-free; but there is a clear disparity. Our country needs to invest more in all children and educators, but let’s focus on the inequality here.

   According to Congressman Chaka Fattah in his essay on education, African-American children in the US are less likely to have a teacher with experience, less likely to have access to recent technology, and more likely to be in a building that is desperately needing work (Smiley 57-58).

   Their curricula are less challenging and engaging;, their classrooms have more students; they are less likely to utilize student services (Smiley 57-58). While most of our population is aware of these disparities, I doubt many realize the extent and severity of the inequality of education for students of color.

   Isn’t the issue just about geography and not race? This crossed my mind, too, so I dug around. The truth is far worse than I imagined. While geography does play a major role in this segregation, the origins of the geographical disparities are far less innocent than one might hope. Beverly Tatum, PhD, wrote a fantastic book that addressed this issue called Why are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria and Other Conversations About Race. In the prologue, she addressed the way real estate has affected race and education. Since the Supreme Court decisions reducing the effects of school desegregation methods, students are primarily schooled based on where they live. Here is where residential segregation shows up.

   Over the decades, practices such as “racially restrictive real estate covenants, racial steering by real estate agents, redlining, and other discriminatory practices by mortgage lenders” have embedded segregation into neighborhoods (Tatum 4-6). Some white homeowners’ associations even used violence or threats of violence to keep their neighborhoods homogenous (Tatum 5). It all started in Chicago, where the Chicago Real Estate Board held a provision in their ethics code that refused to allow brokers to disrupt racial compositions of certain neighborhoods (Tatum 5)! This spread nationwide, thanks to the National Association of Real Estate Boards (NAREB) doing the same (Tatum 5). On top of this, Chicago used “racially restrictive covenants” that kept white homeowners from selling or leasing their properties to blacks (Tatum 5). Redlining is even more disheartening. The Federal Housing Authority (FHA), the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), and the federal Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) used a coding system for neighborhoods based on race (Tatum 5-6). Red indicated a black neighborhood and was given a numerical code of four (Tatum 6). Neighborhoods “at risk of becoming black” were dubbed “hazardous” and given a three (Tatum 6). Scores of one and two were reserved for neighborhoods considered “new and homogenous” or “expected to remain stable” (Tatum 6).   

   The FHA would issue loans only to those buying a house in category one or two (Tatum 6). Even private lenders jumped on the segregation bandwagon (Tatum 6). You can imagine what this did to home values and the ability to pass on wealth to the next generation (Tatum 6). While these policies were declared unconstitutional in 1948 by the Supreme Court, things continue along these lines today (Tatum 6). The National Fair Housing Alliance in 2006 investigated and found that 87% of people were guided to neighborhoods based on race or national origin, even after matching variables in housing needs, financial qualifications and employment history (2006 (Tatum 6-7). There is even a problem called “hyper-segregated communities” in metropolitan areas, where segregation is even more pronounced and residents are more likely to face disadvantages associated with poverty, regardless of their own income status (Tatum 7).

   Now that we have shown that a disparity exists, it is time to discuss what we, in our communities, churches and homes, can do about it. On a macro-scale, we must move forward, implementing policy changes, and legislation to ensure this country stands for opportunity for all. Some of the most amazing and groundbreaking human rights movements have started in the church, and it is time for the church to stand, once again, together in the outcry for those in our society who need us. We must also stand in our own communities, creating direct answers that the children in our care desperately need.

    Let’s examine some methods of legislature used and see what has worked. Early in the history of the United States, we made a stand for education as one of the first industrialized nations that made education compulsory (Jones 61). Since 1944, Roosevelt’s GI Bill increased access to higher education to the tune of a more than a $72 billion-dollar investment (Jones 61-62). In 1958, student loans became more accessible as they would henceforth be subsidized by the US Treasury (Jones 62). The familiar Brown vs. Board of Education verdict provided legislation giving equitable educational opportunities to those previously denied (Jones 62). In the 1960’s, The Civil Rights Act and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) increased resources and enforced desegregation (Jones 62). During this time, the black-white achievement gap shrunk with each blow to the racist systems (Jones 62). High school graduation levels increased for black students, college enrollment levels increased for black students, and the southern states experienced greater levels of desegregation (Jones 62). It worked—until opposing forces gained ground. During the 1970s and 80s, multiple federal court decisions challenged and contradicted the Brown decision (Jones 62-63). For example, in 1973, San Antonio vs. Rodriquez led to a verdict displaying the precedent that the federal government was not responsible for protecting Americans’ right to an education (Jones 62-63). Movements along these lines caused the progress previously gained to drop back.

   Now, there is a political “false choice” arguing the cause of the injustice our American children of color face (Jones 58). One side claims the children aren’t held to the same standard and we should simply expect more from them (Jones 58). This side of the argument was addressed through legislation like the “No Child Left Behind Act” that expected all children to perform on the same level regardless of race, income, language of birth or disability (Jones 58). While this sounds nice, it leaves out key components and was quickly realized to be flawed. The other side claims that the children lack the resources needed, and remedying that would solve everything (Jones 58-59). This side has been represented by the Student Bill of Rights (S-BOR) that collected data and ensured resource allocation in accordance with need (Jones 59). Neither side gets the entire picture. Reducing a complex, multifactorial issue to simple, one-sided terms isn’t likely to solve anything, as we have seen. On this large scale, we need solutions that involve both sides of this coin, that provide equal resources AND expect all students to rise to the opportunity. We need interventions that address these factor: the relatively high levels of academic under-productivity seen in children of color; the need to stabilize the social fabric; the inefficiencies and under-utilization of the power of schooling and supplemental education; and that address the necessary nurture and celebration of those whom Du Bois called the “talented tenth” (Gordon 28). These interventions need to be targeted towards schools, homes, communities and in the students themselves (Gordon 28-29).

   On a smaller, more intimate scale, there is plenty that we can do to change the circumstances of so many youth right now. While we push for major changes as a church community and as responsible Christian citizens of this country, we can do so much right around us. There are certain areas called “Capital for Effective Education” that all play an important role in successful education (Gordon 29):

• Health Capital
• Financial Capital
• Human Capital
• Social Capital
• Polity Capital
• Personal Capital
• Institutional Capital
• Pedagogical Capital

   Each includes areas that we can personally improve in our spheres of influence.

Health capital includes the student’s physical developmental integrity, health,and nutritional condition (Gordon 29). Here, we can create and improve food kitchens, including access for children, free health clinics in correlation with the counties in which we live, co-ops with doctors and hospital for outreach screenings, vaccinations and medications.

   Financial capital includes income, wealth, family, community and societal economic resources available for education (Gordon 29). While we rely largely on governments here, there are certain things small communities can do to improve the financial capital available for the students of their neighborhoods. Fundraisers, especially in coordination with large company donations for specific needs, can help plug major holes and fill immediate needs while larger politics are at play. Sponsoring schools by community churches can help fill immediate needs as well. Some churches, for example, have each Sunday school class adopt a different school or class to help facilitate personnel or other needs while praying for them regularly. Scholarships can be set up by the churches and communities to help motivate students to succeed. Financial counselors can be brought in to help prepare the youth in your community on how to take out student loans for college, how to save money, etc.

   Human capital includes social competence, tacit knowledge and other education- derived abilities seen as personal or family assets (Gordon 29). Here, we as the church body need to get our church families involved in changing the culture surrounding these children. When multiple sources in their immediate areas are fighting to give children hope, it can change everything. A church can provide families with information on application processes for college, financial aid, and can even have a minister assigned to community outreach, helping families find the information needed to keep children on the right path toward a bright future. Churches have led many social reforms before, and it always starts with community movements and attitude changes about what is possible.

   Social capital includes a social network of relationships, social norms, cultural styles and cultural values (Gordon 29). This is closely tied to the above. Churches can work with families in and near their communities to improve social networks for these children. We have seen this model work in Urban Prep High Schools in Chicago, and we can mimic these ideas using our churches as the center point (Jones 94). Bringing in successful role models for these children to see what options are out there can open horizons. Hosting job and college fairs may take some serious effort and organization, but can give direction where it might otherwise be missed. Mentorship programs are some of my favorite things to see. Giving children a personal relationship with someone who prays for them and encourages them can change their lives (Jones 94). This person doesn’t have to be a rock star—just someone who wants them to succeed.

Polity capital involves societal membership, social concern, public commitment and political economy (Gordon 29). This might be more difficult to cultivate, but that doesn’t mean we don’t try. One example we see of polity capital success is in moms’ groups through churches in the community. By connecting families to each other through the church, we connect opportunities and Christian concern as problems arise. Student-based clubs or organizations can be housed and started within the church community. These outreach programs bring people to the church where they can find both polity capital and evangelical opportunities. Here, also, churches can join in on issues important to the communities and can support candidates or issues for political change.

Personal capital includes disposition, attitudes, aspirations, efficacy and sense of power (Gordon 29). To instill personal capital into these students, church communities need to invest time and resources in individual students. It is up to individual project leaders to ensure that each student is held accountable and appreciated.

   Institutional capital includes the quality of and the access to educating and socializing institutions (Gordon 29). Here, the church can excel. As an institution itself, the church can provide access to early childhood education through a pre-school program. The church can open certain rooms for after-school programs or study rooms. This requires buy-in by the church congregation to staff and support such efforts; but the payoff is enjoyable for the whole church family to get to witness.

   Finally, pedagogical capital includes support for appropriate educational treatment in families, schools and the community (Gordon 29). Here, the church can cooperate with schools, government programs and parents within the church to ensure these programs are funded, staffed and encouraged in the community. This is where community buy-in pays off.

   There are many more ways churches can individually and uniquely provide for the needs of the youth of the community, depending on specific needs. Universal problems will find universal solutions, and we can learn from each other what works. Denominational fracturing might be a barrier to such solutions but, if we overlook such things, we can work together as the universal church to reach the underserved, undereducated and overlooked populations of children that need our help. We are the body of Christ, and it is our job to look out for those who need help (Proverbs 31:8-9, NIV). There is no greater witness to the world than to be the arms and legs of Christ.

Duncan, Arne. The State of Black America 2010: Jobs responding to the crisis. National Urban League, 2010.

Jones, Stephanie J. “Message to the President,” National Urban League, 2009, pp. 57-70.

Gordon, Edmund W. "Establishing a System of Public Education in Which All Children Achieve at High Levels and Reach Their Full Potential." The Covenant. Tavis Smiley ed. Third World Press, 2006.

"State of Black America 2017 Report." State of Black America, National Urban League, soba.iamempowered.com/2017-report.

Tatum, Beverly D. "Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?" And Other Conversations About Race. 3rd ed., Basic Books, 2017.

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